Giacomo's Windows 10 desktop doesn't have a ton of skins or moving parts, but combined with that wallpaper it's pretty dramatic. Here's how he set it all up, and how you can too.
Even though it's Windows 10, Rainmeter still works beautifully on it. If you're not familiar with Rainmeter, here's a handy getting started guide (albeit a bit dated) that will help you make your first custom desktop.
From there, here's what you'll need:
That's about it. Not too many skins, and of course, if you don't need three clocks on your desktop, you can omit one or two of them to create your own look. If you like the look, head over to Giacomo's Flickr page (linked below) or over to his personal blog to let him know that you like his work!
Do you have a good-looking, functional desktop of your own to show off? Share it with us! Post it to your personal Kinja blog using the tag DesktopShowcase or add it to our Lifehacker Desktop Show and Tell Flickr pool. Screenshots must be at least at least 1280x720 and please include information about what you used, links to your wallpaper, skins, and themes, and any other relevant details. If your awesome desktop catches our eye, you might get featured!
Robot Desktop | Flickr
The Guardian | Amazon moves one step closer toward army of warehouse robots The Guardian Kiva robots transport goods at an Amazon Fulfillment Center, ahead of the Christmas rush, in Tracy, California in 2014. Photograph: Noah Berger/Reuters. Sam Thielman in New York. @samthielman. Tuesday 5 July 2016 15.15 EDT Last modified on ... Pick a winner: Dutch robot rises to Amazon Challenge by grabbing and stowing items the bestGeekWire Amazon Robot Challenge Helps Develop Automated Warehouse WorkersNewsmax Watch the incredible 'suckbot' in Amazon's 'roboshopper olympics'Daily Mail iProgrammer -IT PRO -Gizmag -PYMNTS.com all 44 news articles » |
RoboCup 2016 might not have been too exciting for the robots — they don't have feelings, after all — but their programmers must have been thrilled. The robot soccer tournament has been running every year since 1997. This year's winner was a team from Iran. Read more...
This post originally appeared on Business Insider.
Prosecutors have charged an Oakland man who "felt Google was watching him" for setting one of the company's Street View vehicles on fire.
Police arrested Raul Diaz on the Google campus on June 30 and found a firearms case and items to make a pipe bomb in his car, according to an affidavit filed July 1 with the U.S. District Court in San Jose.
Federal prosecutors charged Diaz with one count of arson. Diaz also admitted under questioning that he was behind two other attacks on Google's campus, including torching a self-driving car and shooting through an office window, according to the affidavit.
When police arrested Diaz, he told officers that he had intended to shoot into another Google building and that "he felt Google was watching him and that made him upset," according to the sworn statement.
The series of attacks on Google's campus began in May after Molotov cocktails were thrown at a Google Street View car on its Mountain View campus. On May 19, a Google employee spotted a man throwing what looked like beer bottles at the car, only to see one erupt in flames after it bounced off the hood. The car wasn't damaged, but the ground was scorched where the bottle had exploded.
A month later, police responded after shots were fired through a window of one of Google's buildings. The five projectiles, either bullets or pellets the report says, were covered in a white substance that's still being tested, according to the affidavit.
On June 19, another car on Google's campus was set on fire using what looked like a squirt gun filled with gasoline or another flammable liquid, the affidavit said. In the filing, police claim it was a self-driving car that was destroyed, but a Google spokesperson told the San Jose Mercury News Tuesday that a self-driving car was not involved in the series of attacks.
See also: GM and NASA Use Space Tech to Give Workers Robotic Hands
Back in February, as Donald Trump was revealing himself to be a serious contender for the Republican presidential nomination, New York Times TV critic James Poniewozik observed that he presented a challenge for comedians. “Election parodies traditionally exaggerate candidates,” wrote Poniewozik. But Trump was exaggeration itself, “the frilled lizard of politics,” constantly “inflating his self-presentation to appear ever larger.” Poniewozik declared him “almost comedy-proof.”
Poniewozik's assessment has become the conventional wisdom. “I don't think anybody's comedy about Donald Trump is as effective as simply Donald Trump's words themselves,” said Peter Sagal, of Wait Wait… Don't Tell Me! on a recent episode of Slate's Trumpcast. “All I should do on my show is just read a transcript of what he said and then sigh.” Earlier this month, in Splitsider, John Hugar made the same point: “What Trump has taken away from satirists is the power of exaggeration.”
The frustration is understandable. Jimmy Fallon is repeating the same jokes about Trump's hair that he made in September. Colbert's recurring Trump impersonator has still not mastered the accent. We seem to be developing a strange fascination for watching children take shots at the candidate, as though we couldn't bear to watch another professional comedian try and fail. And the enduring comedic artifact of this election cycle, so far, is an explanation.
But Trump is not, in fact, immune to satire. There's a handful of comedians who have figured out how to spoof him effectively—they just don't have the same exposure, and their comedy is reckless and weird. For the most part, they abandon the decorum and theatrical polish that hold together shows like SNL. That makes total sense: Trump is the embodiment of illusion, theater, spectacle. To really bring him down, you may have to go postmodern, to tear apart the medium itself.
Take Anthony Atamanuik, who honed his Trump bit at the Upright Citizens Brigade Theatre in New York and has performed in two specials on Fusion. He's a superb Trump impersonator in a conventional sense: No one has a firmer grip on the voice and mannerisms. But Atamanuik's “Donald Trump” is downright monstrous. He takes Trump's antipolitical correctness crusade to a shocking extreme. When asked about his relationship with Megyn Kelly, he rattles off a few decreasingly euphemistic period puns, then gets to the point: “When the uterine lining drops out of her cervix, she can be a real cunt.”
Atamanuik's “Trump” will extoll the virtues of “white power” as an energy source and warn the Pope against “shaved, cold, Italian ISIS” in “his backyard.” Each pun is set up with a shaggy, winking preamble. At first glance, they're stupid vacations from the reality of the impersonation. They foreground the performer, the joke writer, over the character. But that's the point. They're an analogy. They suggest a Trump who is having fun at the expense of his message. Or who, perhaps, doesn't understand the meaning of the words he is saying. Or a Trump who speaks in a hidden language, to an audience within the audience.
At key moments, Atamanuik will climb almost entirely out of the character. He will maintain the outward mannerisms but ditch Trump's psychology. He ends performances of Trump vs. Bernie, his fake debate with James Adomian, on a description of all the terrible things that will happen in the early days of a Trump presidency (see around the 35:10 mark here):
And sometimes he climbs further into the character. Like other comedians, Atamanuik apparently subscribes to the Producers theory of this candidacy, which maintains that Trump never intended to succeed and has continued campaigning out of a deep psychological deficit. That idea's not too fresh, but Atamanuik uses it, as a performer, to great effect. He'll be spouting Trumpisms and slip seamlessly into a raw confessional mode. In a performance I saw in February, the closing monologue included a harrowing first-person disquisition in which Atamanuik theorized that Trump teared up at his New Hampshire victory speech because he felt unloved by his father as a child. Nothing changes about Atamanuik's demeanor when he does this. He wants to catch you off guard. At first you're just confused—and then you start listening, through the familiar bravado, to Trump's tortured inner voice.
It's not realistic, and it is deeply alienating, almost Brechtian in the way it sacrifices the coherence of character to make a bigger point. And it successfully disarms the demagogue. Once you've heard Atamanuik, Trump's cadence triggers the comedian's highly incongruous material in your mind. I cannot watch Trump read that stupid snake poem without hearing Atamanuik's substitute: “Agitate me! Disrupt me! Save me from myself!”
Quite apart from Atamanuik, there's Vic Berger, who creates representations of a Trump with no inner life whatsoever—a Trump-o-tron. He's been making Vines and longer videos using footage from the campaign trail since the beginning of the primaries, the most popular of which have racked up half a million views on YouTube. Early on, he produced a vast corpus of extremely awkward clips of Jeb Bush. Then he turned his attention to the debates.
Berger first won my love with his edit of the seventh GOP primary debate. It starts with Megyn Kelly observing that Donald Trump has refused to attend. Trump—a grainy cut-out image of him—and a podium then motor onto the stage to a chorus of airhorns and “We want Trump!” “Wait a minute, you dummies!” says this phantom Trump. Trump then proceeds to abuse Jeb Bush, interrupt him with further airhorns, and fire him, Apprentice-style. At one point, he and his podium whirr across the stage (it takes 14 seconds) and fire Bush a second time. Sad music plays; Jeb looks pathetic. Berger would return to this theme again and again in subsequent videos. In his wildly popular riff on the ninth debate, Trump is even meaner. “Jeb is a mess,” he says. “Jeb is a waste. Jeb is a mess. Jeb is a big fat mistake.”
There's an element of slapstick to this spectacle, bizarre as it may seem at first glance. The comically slow robotic whirr is tried and true shtick—the “mechanical encrusted on the living,” to use philosopher Henri Bergson's phrase. Bush's hesitations as Trump interrupts him are perfectly timed and could be played for laughs on a stage by real players. But the real value of these videos lies in Berger's unconventional use of video as a medium.
Before I go on, I should acknowledge that these videos are not for everyone. The Vines are acerbic and ephemeral, like Listerine breath strips. The longer pieces are abrasive, disorienting, and dystopian. If you're not tuned into the anti- and meta-comedy, you will find them incompetent.
But I'd argue that there's something sharply funny in the redundancy and stiffness of Trump's posturing in that debate vide, and in the equally redundant and stiff response of his chanting supporters. The intentionally bad cutout and the use of audio from the Apprentice remind us that Trump is a foreign element in our political world. He is a seam in reality. And yet we have come to accept him as though he were a being from the same dimension.
Like all of Berger's best videos, the debate takes place in a representational netherworld. In manipulating real clips, Berger paradoxically surrenders any claim to reality. You know immediately that Trump didn't say those things in that order, or sound an airhorn, or fart on camera. You know that what you're watching uses the same distortive techniques as propaganda.
But, in most of these videos, Berger doesn't seem to be trying to make anything like a propagandistic point. Usually, he's constructing a new reality, from scraps, the way a dream does. That's one reason these scenes can feel so internal, as if they're unfolding in someone's dazed, anxious mind. These videos are ultimately not about Trump. They're about you.
You could say the same for the work of Tim Heidecker, with whom Berger will be spoofing the parties' conventions this summer. Heidecker started observing Trump relatively early (the current right-wing political incarnation, not the “short-fingered vulgarian” of the '80s and '90s). Around 2011, he added a joke to his stand-up repertoire. It was: “Imagine if Donald Trump became president.” After that, he would go on for a bit about different things President Trump could fire (members of Congress, Obama, Obamacare). It was a “lame, shitty, bad joke,” he told me in an interview, but in the context of his gracefully inept routine, it killed. (Really—listen to that laughter.)
That joke would no longer play, but it illustrates a key to Heidecker's satirical strategy. He doesn't focus on Trump. Instead, he creates characters and situations that suggest a world that is wholly Trumpified. Trump does not appear in this clip—a music video for a song entitled “Our Values Are Under Attack”—but he haunts it. He is there in Heidecker's facial tension, and in the song's entitled pessimism. It could only have originated in a culture in which Trump is taken seriously.
The singer in the video is Jack Decker, the unimaginably arrogant hero of Decker, a 24-style spy-action series conceived by “Tim Heidecker,” a fictional movie reviewer played by Tim Heidecker on a different show, On Cinema. “Tim” is a terrible actor. As Heidecker explained in an A.V. Club interview in March, “Tim” is trying to emulate Clint Eastwood or Jack Nicholson, “and it ends up coming out like Donald Trump.” Decker's lips are permanently pursed in a Trumpian duckface.
But again, we do not really see Trump the man here. We a see a crudely exaggerated depiction of the frustrations, fears, and vanities that lead people to support him. The most recent episode of Decker tells the story of Decker's training as a Green Beret. When a new drill instructor from Saudi Arabia—played by the one white guy who plays all the terrorists, in the same stereotypical costume, ululating—is introduced to the recruits, Decker looks around suspiciously. “I got a bad feeling about this,” he whispers, stiltedly, to a companion. “This is a classic Taliban strategy. He's a Trojan horse sent to move in next door and become friends with everybody, and then the attack begins.” That aired a few days before a Trump supporter in New Hampshire exhorted the candidate to get rid of “all these heebie jobbies they wear at the TSA,” apparently referring to hijabs.
Weird Trump comedy may be starting to gain a pop cultural foothold. Earlier this month, a dystopian fake Japanese advertisement for Trump's candidacy, by a video artist named Mike Diva, went viral. As with Decker, Trump himself was not in the crosshairs. Rather, Diva wanted to capture and escalate the experience of being in Trump's world. “I wanted to make the omnipresence of his face really overwhelming but also weirdly visually pleasing,” Diva told Slate. “I wanted to confuse people.”
And he did. Trump supporters on 4chan were so confused that one of them started a thread about the video called “Which one of you was this?” Another wrote that “the video makes Trump looks great and cool and sexually vigiorous [sic] regardless if that was its intention or not.” Atamanuik, Berger, and Heidecker have all grown increasingly vocal about their opposition to Trump, but some of their work still leaves room for such misinterpretation. This is most true of Berger, who has an unwelcome following among right-wing internet trolls. This month, a horrified Berger tweeted a photograph from a Trump rally of a supporter clashing with a protester. The supporter's shirt said “Jeb is a mess” in an intimidating font.
This may just be the cost of experimentation. Regardless of their political impact, these videos and performances reflect the chaos and uncertainty of the current moment. As a a comedian, there may not be much you can do with Trump's self-presentation, the traditional target of satire. Unlike most humans, he does not have anything like stable principles or ideas. The visible Trump is an illusion, a chameleon, a glitch. In order to make a good joke or capture a truth, a comedian has to either delve deeper—expose the broken interior—or zoom out to the culture surrounding him. The weirdness of these comics reflects the weirdness of those uncharted zones. When we watch Atamanuik, Berger, or Heidecker, we do not see a comedian in more-or-less civil dialogue with a politician. (So much for Jimmy Fallon talking to Trump in the mirror.) We see artists facing evil—the potential for the disintegration of the individual, the corruption of society on the whole. We'll never know how our attempts to laugh at Trump—Fallon's or anyone else's—affected the vote. But when the election is past, and Trump vanquished, I'm skeptical that we'll want to re-watch John Oliver's level-headed explanation. We may prefer to hear those airhorns blowing.
Ilana Gutman “knew nothing about computers” three years ago when two soldiers visited her freshman high school class in Ashdod, a city in the south of Israel, and encouraged the students to apply for a high school cybersecurity training program. Now 17, Gutman is finishing her third year in the Israeli program, called Magshimim, and is preparing to enter the army, where she hopes to work in intelligence.
Gutman and her boyfriend, May Kogan, whom she met through Magshimim, will spend this summer working at a camp for Israeli teenagers studying cybersecurity. They have just completed a final project that involved building an application to let teachers remotely control the computers of their students in order to administer an online class in the event that school is canceled due to “a war, or snow” (“what we have and what you have,” Gutman explained to me, referencing the different reasons for canceling school in Israel and the United States).
Many countries, including the United States, have programs designed to teach elementary and high school students coding and computer science skills; many have programs aimed at attracting diverse students to those subjects. But Israel—in large part because of the constant threat of war or cyberattack—is one of the only nations to boast a thriving program for training teenagers from underrepresented groups to focus specifically on cybersecurity.
Beginning in ninth grade, Israeli teenagers from the nation's “periphery” (that is, outside the well-populated and wealthier cities in Israel) are screened for the after-school cybersecurity program, which places a particular emphasis on recruiting girls. Magshimim was launched in 2011 by the Rashi Foundation, a philanthropic organization focused on supporting underprivileged Israeli youth, and has been co-sponsored by the Israeli Ministry of Defense since 2013. More than 530 students have successfully completed the program, and it is in the process of trying to scale up the size of its classes tenfold, from roughly 400 students to 4,800 participants over the course of the next five years.
Magshimim accepts roughly 30 percent of the students who apply, following a series of tests and interviews during which the program screens for determination, dedication, and sociability—but not prior computing experience. That's how Gutman and students such as Revital Baron, 17, were able to make the cut, despite having no background in computing. “I just knew how to use Facebook and play computer games,” Baron said of her familiarity with computers prior to entering Magshimim. Now she, like Gutman, is finishing the program and has built, for her final project, a robot that can create a visual map of the space it occupies using ultrasonic sensors to compute the distance from walls and other obstacles.
The students selected for the program attend three-hour cybersecurity training sessions after school two days per week from 10th through 12th grades. Over the course of three years, they work on programming projects, study computing theory, implement cryptographic protocols, reverse-engineer malware, and study the architecture and design of computer networks. They finish high school with a skill set comparable to that of many college juniors and seniors who study computer science in the United States. (Many of them also finish high school fluent in English—a skill born of many hours poring over the forums on Stack Overflow to help answer technical questions, they told me.)
In the short term, these students are being groomed to enter the Israeli Defense Force's elite cyber branches during their compulsory military service. In particular, the teenagers in Magshimim hope to join Unit 8200, the intelligence and cybersecurity team featured in Richard Behar's recent Forbes article as “Israel's secret startup machine” because so many of its alums enter the private sector and launch successful tech (and often specifically security) companies. If Unit 8200 provides the pipeline for Israel's startup economy, then Magshimim provides the pipeline for Unit 8200.
In the United States, we talk a lot about the “pipeline problem” in technology—the lack of women and underrepresented minority students finishing college with degrees in engineering and computer science and the resulting lack of diversity at many major tech firms. Israel is concerned about these same issues, so Magshimim is not just any pipeline—it's specifically designed to recruit from underrepresented populations in cybersecurity, including girls, religious students, and children outside the major cities. To attract these populations into cybersecurity, it's important to recruit students when they're young, before they form too many ideas about what they can and can't do or should and shouldn't be interested in, before they begin to feel that they've already fallen behind and can't compete with their peers. In fact, the program is now working on extending its recruitment even earlier, to include training for eighth- and ninth-graders.
Perhaps in part because “Magshimim not only looks for smart people, but also social people,” one student told me, and perhaps in part because it includes so many girls, the students in Magshimim are an astonishingly outgoing bunch. When I was visiting Israel recently for their Cyber Week 2016 symposium at Tel Aviv University, which included a youth conference for hundreds of Israeli high school students studying cybersecurity, many of them were eager to tell me how important the program has been for them socially, as well as technically.
“I really feel like Magshimim is my second home,” Baron said. “All of my best friends are from Magshimim.” Gutman and Kogan, meanwhile, are quick to credit the program with their relationship. A WhatsApp group keeps all of the seniors in the program across Israel, some 150 students, connected online, and the program also hosts regular overnight “Cyber Nights” and challenge events that seem to combine elements of military or law enforcement exercises with the free-food, stay-up-all-night ethos of the hackathons that are commonplace on American college campuses.
For instance, one Magshimim event a few years ago required students to investigate a stolen pizza delivery by accessing a building's security feeds to retrieve surveillance video footage of the theft. “Then we found the pizza and we ate it,” recalled Omer Greenboim Friman. In another exercise, there was a simulated crisis in which the building's internet access had been completely shut off, and the students had to find a way to re-establish connectivity with the outside world.
Underlying all of Israel's efforts to ramp up its cybersecurity education and training programs is the sense that such threats (internet blackouts, not pizza theft) are never very far away and that no one is too young to be thinking about and preparing for them. The students in Magshimim make it clear in conversation—sometimes to an extent that feels shocking to an observer from another country—that they understand this is about war.
“We are a little country, and we have a lot of enemies, so we need to secure our data,” Kogan said. “When we were just kids, we didn't have anything we could do about these threats, but now when we are getting into the army, we finally have the power to do something about it.” Similarly, Gutman told me, “I really want to go to the army and contribute. My dream is maybe to stay in the army.”
It's almost inconceivable to imagine hundreds of tech-savvy teenagers in the United States feeling that way about, say, joining the National Security Agency. Daniel Ninyo, another Magshimim senior, has a life plan that might seem more familiar to U.S. high school students: After serving in the IDF, he hopes to launch a startup company.
When students in the United States get excited about computer science, their interest often lies in building new tools for social change or games or slick, marketable apps, rather than security. Two uniformed soldiers in a classroom would be unlikely to pique the interest of many U.S. high school freshmen the way that they did Gutman's. So is it possible to replicate the success of a program like Magshimim in the United States? In some regards, absolutely. The United States is, of course, a much larger country than Israel, with a much more decentralized education system and no compulsory military service. But it could still support competitive, well-regarded cybersecurity after-school programs that target students from underrepresented communities who have no prior coding experience and offer them not just classes but also a rich social environment; regular mentoring from older alums of the program; and, occasionally, pizza.
Yet it takes more than pizza to create a program that is held in as high regard as Magshimim, both by its participants and the rest of the country. (“I was in a restaurant with my friends once, and the waitress looked at us and she said, “Are you guys from Magshimim, that cool cyber program?” Gutman recalled.) To care deeply, passionately about security, I realize as I speak with the Magshimim students, it helps to feel truly, immediately threatened.
This article is part of Future Tense, a collaboration among Arizona State University, New America, and Slate. Future Tense explores the ways emerging technologies affect society, policy, and culture. To read more, follow us on Twitter and sign up for our weekly newsletter.
Charlie Osborne / ZDNet:
Starship to begin testing six-wheeled autonomous delivery robots in UK, Germany, and Switzerland — There are big brands which think the robots could rock the industry. — Try not to step on them — the autonomous robot delivery guys which will soon appear on the streets of cities in the UK, Germany and Switzerland.
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Citizens of London in the UK, Düsseldorf in Germany, and Bern in Switzerland will soon be able to order packages, groceries and food and have it delivered by a self-driving robot.
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