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ExxonMobil executives may have intentionally misled the public about climate change for decades. And the House Science Committee just hampered legal efforts to learn more about ExxonMobil's actions by subpoenaing the nonprofit scientists who sought to find out what the fossil fuel giant knew and when.
For 40 years, tobacco companies intentionally misled consumers to believe that smoking wasn't harmful. Now it appears that many in the fossil fuel industry may have applied similarly deceptive tactics and for just as long to confuse the public about the dangers of climate change.
Investigative research by nonprofit groups like InsideClimate News and the Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) have turned up evidence that ExxonMobil may have known about the hazards of fossil-fuel driven climate change back in the 1970s. However, rather than informing the public or taking steps to reduce such risks, documents indicate that ExxonMobil leadership chose to cover up their findings and instead convince the public that climate science couldn't be trusted.
As a result of these findings, the Attorneys General (AGs) from New York and Massachusetts launched a legal investigation to determine if ExxonMobile committed fraud, including subpoenaing the company for more information. That's when the House Science, Space and Technology Committee Chairman Lamar Smith stepped in.
Chairman Smith, under powerful new House rules, unilaterally subpoenaed not just the AGs, but also many of the nonprofits involved in the ExxonMobile investigation, including groups like the UCS. Smith and other House representatives argue that they're merely supporting ExxonMobile's rights to free speech and to form opinions based on scientific research.
However, no one is targeting ExxonMobile for expressing an opinion. The Attorneys General and the nonprofits are investigating what may have been intentional fraud.
In a public statement, Ken Kimmell, president of the Union of Concerned Scientists said:
We do not accept Chairman Smith's premise that fraud, if committed by ExxonMobil, is protected by the First Amendment. It's beyond ironic for Chairman Smith to violate our actual free speech rights in the name of protecting ExxonMobil's supposed right to misrepresent the work of its own scientists and deceive shareholders and the public. […]
Smith is misusing the House Science Committee's subpoena power in a way that should concern everyone across the political spectrum. Today, the target is UCS and others concerned about climate change. But if these kinds of subpoenas are allowed, who will be next and on what basis?
In fact, Chairman Smith also subpoenaed climate scientists at the National Ocean and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) in the fall of 2015 and again earlier this year. UCS representatives are referring to this as a blatant “abuse of power” on the part of the government and ExxonMobil.
Gretchen Goldman, a lead analyst for UCS, wrote: “Abuse of power is when a company exploits its vast political network to squash policies that would address climate change.”
The complete list of nonprofits subpoenaed by Chairman Smith includes: 350.org, the Climate Accountability Institute, the Climate Reality Project, Greenpeace, Pawa Law Group PC, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, the Rockefeller Family Fund, and the Union of Concerned Scientists.
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Eight of the 10 busiest ports are in East Asia. A new study shows how the growing number of cargo ships are polluting the air and threatening health.
Welcome to Cleveland, Ohio, where residents are telling us their thoughts on hosting the Republican National Convention. Atlantic staff writer David Graham spoke with a variety of people to understand the effects the event has had on the traditionally blue city.
In 2008, The Atlantic sat down with the filmmaker David Lynch as he mused about inspiration and how to capture the flow of creativity. Now, we've animated his words of advice. “A lot of artists think that suffering is necessary,” he says. “But in reality, any kind of suffering cramps the flow of creativity.”
Each twin had an ovary removed and frozen in 2009, when they were in their 30s, in hopes of buying more time to get pregnant and have babies. But will the thawed, reimplanted ovaries work?
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Inishturk, Ireland, has a population of 58 and its people—according to a widely circulated Internet rumor—have offered refuge to any Americans who want to flee from a Donald Trump presidency. This charming documentary by MEL Films, Make Inishturk Great Again, takes us to the sparsely inhabited island to get the locals' perspectives on America, the presidential election, and what Trump has said about Ireland. The film has an obvious perspective on Trump that is far from impartial, but it's entertaining and adventurous nonetheless. To see more films from MEL, visit their website and Vimeo page.
An officer who's been under stress after responding to cases of domestic abuse or suicide may be at higher risk of a negative interaction with the public, a data scientist says.
The Jwaneng Diamond Mine in Botswana is the richest diamond mine in the world with an annual output of as much as 15.6 million carats (2006). Mine richness takes into account the rate of diamond extraction combined with quality of the diamonds that are mined (sale price per weight). To extract the diamonds, the facility produces 9.3 million tons of ore and an additional 37 million tons of waste rock per year. /// Source imagery: @digitalglobe (at Jwaneng Mine)
-- Carlosperez -- posted a photo:
A collection of controlled explosions, blasts, kabooms, and crashes.
History has proven many times that carrying large amounts of debt in a fluctuating market creates a dangerous situation. But the production contract model used that is spreading globally in chicken and livestock farming is a sign that agriculture itself is changing, shifting farmers into an increasingly debt-dependent scenario.
We're all familiar with the term "debt crisis." It reminds us of mortgages going underwater as property values crashed, and it rocked the world economy only a few years ago. Fewer people know about the similar farm debt crisis of the 1980s. Farmers were encouraged to maximize their loan capacity to get the newest equipment and seize momentary high prices for agricultural products. The profitability in the markets didn't last, and debt in agriculture reached an all time high of over $350 billion in 1981. Thousands of farmers found themselves underwater on their loans, in debt beyond the value of their assets. In just five years, between 1981 and 1986, more than 60,000 U.S. farmers lost their farm and were left homeless.
What many people might not realize is that many of these farmers that had never missed a single payment on their loans when they found themselves facing foreclosure, which was due to the fact that the value of their assets had dropped below the amount they owed on their loan, a situation called "non-monetary default." The loan did not change, but the market and the value of their assets did.
Today, there are worrying signs that we may be headed for more trouble. According to the USDA, total U.S. farm debt surpassed $365 billion in 2016, beating the 1980s peak in terms of sheer volume. At the same time, the U.S. farming sector is in the third year of an economic downturn as a result of an over-supply of grain globally.
There are some reasons why the record debt has not caused a replay of the 1980s crisis yet. Interest rates have been low, and farm assets are on average valued significantly higher today than they were in the 1980s. The USDA assess farm debt "health" by looking at farmers' capacity to repay the debts they have, a measurement called their Debt Repayment Capacity Utilization (DRCU). DRCU compares average farm debt levels to the theoretical amount of debt that farms could borrow and pay back, based on key factors such as their net income and current interest rates. So with low interest rates and higher value of farm assets than before, the assumption is that farmers have not yet maxed out at the "peak" amount of debt they could carry, at least in theory.
But, at the farm level, the current combination of piled up debt with decreasing income and cash-flow means farmers are facing a familiar squeeze, and that should raise serious red flags about the health and sustainability of our agricultural system.
Chicken farmers at the heart of the debt dependency in U.S. farming
Poultry (chicken and turkey) farmers are a major contributor to the statistics on rising debt levels in American farming. The contracts they have with Big Chicken companies are also the premiere model for production contract agriculture, which is spreading across agricultural industries. In this model, a company (like Tyson or Perdue) owns the chickens and independent farmers own the debt for the chicken houses and equipment required to raise them. This displaces the burden and risk of the debt related to production onto the farmer. This contract model has been praised by economists, including Tom Vukina of North Carolina State University, as being "brilliant" for solving problems of efficiency for big companies. Similar agreements are showing up in hog contracts, cattle, and even seeds. As other agricultural industries move in this direction, they are systematically exposing more farmers to higher stakes in debt related risks.
Poultry farming is "capital intensive." An average new chicken house costs $300,000 to build, and the average chicken farm today has at least 4 houses, though the current trend is to build new farms with many more. That means in order to get into the business, a farmer has to invest over $1 million just to get setup -- a lot of debt to carry when you're paid on average between $0.05 cents and $0.06 cents per pound of chicken produced.
Farmers take on huge personal risk to get this size of a loan, by putting their own assets on the line as collateral, often their family home or farmland. Many banks will not grant these large poultry loans unless they are guaranteed by the federal government; in many cases, the Farm Service Agency (FSA) and the Small Business Agency (SBA) offer guarantees to banks of up to 95% of the value of the loan if the farmer defaults. This kind of taxpayer support for farmers has a lot of positive impacts. For example, guaranteed loans ensure that many farmers have access to credit when they most need it. But in the case of poultry loans, with the lion's share of the bank's risk passed on to the taxpayers, there is concern that these guarantees reduce the bank's incentive to scrutinize the viability of the loan.
Poultry farmers are over-leveraged on average compared to other farmers. In 2007, poultry farmers had the highest DRCU of any sector in agriculture, at nearly 70%. This means that poultry farmers are have already leveraged nearly 70% of their capacity to pay back debt, just to keep the business running. This calculation does not include their livelihood: feeding their family, paying for their own home, etc. Close followers in high DRCU were hog and dairy farmers, industries that are increasingly adopting contract models similar to poultry. In the same year, according to research by USDA's Economic Research Service, the poultry sector also had a larger than proportional amount of insolvent farms, compared to other sectors.
In other words: debt dependency is business as usual in the poultry industry, and it poses a serious risk for farmers.
The Debt Treadmill
When a chicken farmer gets a loan and signs a contract, they start a cycle of debt that for some is literally never-ending. (See our infographic above for more on this topic). This same cycle happens time and again to chicken farmers in different states, with different companies; it is an industry-wide problem. Their experiences can be described in four steps:
1) An initial payout period for their loan may be 15 to 30 years long, in stark contrast with their contract. Contract lengths generally range from between 1 flock to 10 years, but a 2016 National Chicken Council study showed that over 50% of contract poultry farmers have been offered a flock-to-flock or less than 1-year contract by their company.
In the same study, the author acknowledges that even multi-year contracts lack enforceability for farmers: "In reality, a multi-year contract offers little additional assurance over a flock-to-flock contract" he states. There are several clauses in a chicken contract that will allow a company to back-out, slow down the placement of chicks, place less chicks, change the type of chicken the farmer is raising - and other decisions that can drastically affect a farmer's ability to manage debt payback.
2) Once they're in the business, farmers struggle to find stability under tournament payment systems. The means for calculating farmer payment is not straightforward. Their pay is based on how their efficiency ranks in a pool of farmers whose chickens are harvested at around the same time. But their efficiency rating also includes company decisions and actions - like the quality of the chicks and feed they get, diseases coming from the hatchery, the day their chickens are picked up and issues in transportation. These can have a significant impact on the farmer's performance and lower their rank in the tournament, which directly corresponds to lowering their paycheck. As a result, farmers paychecks vary by thousands of dollars from flock to flock. This exposes them to increased risks of short-term cash flow problems, like feeding their family and dealing with late payments and lower credit scores.
3) As farmers begin to make progress toward their loan payments, the risk of unexpected upgrades becomes a significant threat to their financial stability. Once a short-term contract has expired, farmers may be asked to upgrade their housing, even though they were told when they signed up that it would be "good" for 10-15 years. These unexpected expenses can amount to tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars, and force farmers into a dilemma: skip the upgrade and risk losing the contract (and thus losing the farm or home as collateral for the loan), or burn up the equity they have built up to get a new loan, and extend their debt even farther into the future.
Required upgrades are unpredictable, expensive, and common. According to USDA data, between 2004 and 2006 chicken farmers spent over $650 million on upgrades to their chicken farms, an average of $38,000 per farm. In a different survey, ARMS found that over a three year period from 2009 - 2011 50% of contract poultry growers reported making an upgrade, and the majority of those (29% overall) were required to do so by their integrator.
4) The final step is starting over. Farmers refinance, and hope for the best, and the light at the end of the tunnel gets farther away. For many farmers, this treadmill means they will carry a risky loan for decades, with their personal assets tied up in it and no alternative way to service the debt.
This is not the model for agriculture that we should promote if we want to avoid another farm debt crisis.
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John Martin Scientist of the Day
John Martin, an English painter and engraver, was born July 19, 1789.
Post submitted by Florian J Weise
Lions and people live a tenuous coexistence. Where their activities overlap problems are inevitable. The consequence often is fatal; sometimes for the people involved, more frequently so for the lions. In retaliation of attacks on humans or livestock, people resort to drastic measures including poisoning. Along the northern edge of Botswana's Okavango Delta poisoning killed up to 60% of the known lion population in 2013. In response, we started Pride in Our Prides to alleviate the tensions between rural communities and the lions that leave the safety of the Delta.
In December 2015 villagers in Teekae, one cattle post along the Delta's edge, were up in arms again to get rid of two male lions which had attacked their livestock for four consecutive nights.
Luckily, the hunting party could be calmed at last minute see previous blog: http://voices.nationalgeographic.com/2016/03/28/into-the-lions-den-diffusing-a-lion-hunting-party/ Pride in Our Prides then pledged to return and help people prevent further attacks on livestock. Thanks to continued funding from National Geographic's Big Cats Initiative, Pride in Our Prides now lives up to its promise and started constructing a new lion-proof livestock enclosure in Teekae. This enclosure (or kraal) will protect livestock from lions at night, the time that domestic animals are usually left unguarded and become most vulnerable to predators.
Looking at the final result one may think that kraal building is a pretty straight-forward thing to do. It neither looks fancy nor very complicated. A closer look at a kraal's evolution, however, shows it's quite a formidable task!
First, during a meeting with the entire community (kgotla) a decision is made to determine who will own and use the next kraal. With multiple families facing lion conflicts, it can be a heated discussion and take several hours. Once agreed, a suitable site is found. Next you meet with the new kraal owner to decide on the dimensions and measure the plot. When all the ‘admin' eventually is finished, the kraal team pitches camp near the site, far away from their families and homes. Here they will stay for 3-4 weeks, the time it takes to complete a single lion-proof kraal.
The team then sets out to chop large amounts of mopane wood we use this abundant hardwood for its sturdiness and so that kraal owners can maintain the kraal without running short of the necessary material. For the Teekae kraal alone, the team chopped logs, support poles, and weaving branches worth 9 truck loads in total.
The logs often weigh in excess of 70 kg (or 150 pounds) and they are manoeuvred by hand!
Adding to this back-breaking work during the day, elephants visit Teekae each night. The jumbos need to be chased from the kraal site or otherwise they may simply eat up our stash of branches for weaving.
Once all the materials are on-site the team digs holes and plants the heavy logs that are connected with horizontal support poles. The smaller branches are woven into flexible, yet sturdy, panels which make up the walls of the kraal. Weaving is a common traditional skill throughout our project area but try weaving hardwood branches and for a kraal circumference of no less than 56 meters (or 61 yards)!
Finally, all sections are secured with strong wire, the only artificial material used on the kraal. When a kraal is finished we hand it over to the owner and community in a celebratory ceremony. Pride in Our Prides also continually monitors kraal use and efficiency so that we can keep refining the design. Not one of the current owners has suffered losses in any of these kraals which are hugely appreciated!
The new kraal at Teekae is the 9th that Pride in Our Prides has built in the area. And we have more work cut out for us; the next 5 kraals have been allocated to specific cattle posts already and additional requests reach us every week. We will continue to build more kraals along the northern edge of the Okavango Delta to give villagers a simple but cost-effective means to reduce their livestock losses to lions. By doing so, we aim to increase local tolerance for lions that stray out of the protected area and enter a more and more human-dominated landscape.
We thank Nat Geo's Big Cats Initiative for providing much needed kraal building funds. We also thank our fantastic kraal team who never seem to tire. Despite the hard labour these guys are always good natured, crack joke after joke, and just get on with it!
Leading his community by example, Pro adjusted PiOP's cattle kraal design and built his own private goat kraal.
And we see first successes as others follow Pro villagers regularly come to our kraals and take note of the design. An old man simply replicated one of the kraals we had built nearby. His new structure measures 20 meters x 24 meters (22 yards by 26 yards) and he constructed it all by himself!